New study links celebrity worship to narcissism, materialism, and perceived similarity

A new study published in the International Journal of Psychology has found that people who strongly admire celebrities tend to score higher in both materialistic values and narcissistic traits—particularly a more insecure and emotionally sensitive form of narcissism. The study also found that people who see themselves as similar to their favorite celebrity are more likely to have these attitudes. Among all the factors examined, feeling similar to a celebrity was one of the strongest predictors of celebrity worship.

Over the past two decades, psychologists have grown increasingly interested in the impact of celebrity culture, especially as social media has amplified people’s exposure to public figures. As platforms like Instagram, TikTok, and YouTube make it easier than ever to watch and follow the lives of celebrities, researchers have been examining how these one-sided relationships, known as parasocial interactions, might shape people’s self-image, emotional well-being, and social values.

One of the tools frequently used in this research is the Celebrity Attitude Scale, which evaluates how strongly a person is absorbed with a celebrity. This scale ranges from low levels of admiration—such as following a celebrity’s work for entertainment—to more intense and potentially problematic levels, such as obsessively thinking about the celebrity or even expressing willingness to do illegal things for them. The new study aimed to explore how this kind of admiration relates to narcissism and materialism, and whether people who feel a personal resemblance to their favorite celebrity are more likely to be affected.

To investigate these questions, the researchers recruited 215 undergraduate students from a university in the southeastern United States. Participants were mostly women, with a wide range of racial and ethnic backgrounds. Each student completed a battery of questionnaires that measured their attitudes toward celebrities, materialistic values, and narcissistic traits. They also answered newly created questions that assessed how similar they felt to their favorite celebrity in terms of personality, appearance, or lifestyle.

Celebrity worship was assessed with the Celebrity Attitude Scale, which includes subscales for social and entertainment interest, emotional attachment, and more extreme or obsessive thoughts and behaviors. Materialism was measured using a scale that examined how much value people place on owning things, how important possessions are to their identity, and whether they believe material goods make them happier. Narcissism was measured in two forms: grandiose narcissism (which is characterized by confidence, entitlement, and dominance) and vulnerable narcissism (which involves anxiety, hypersensitivity to criticism, and a preoccupation with self-image).

The results showed a consistent relationship between celebrity worship and materialism. People who scored higher on celebrity worship also tended to place greater importance on money, status, and possessions. This was especially true for those who reported more intense or obsessive admiration for celebrities. The researchers noted that this connection aligns with past findings and suggests that people may turn to both celebrity culture and materialism as ways to cope with emotional insecurity or low self-worth.

When it came to narcissism, the findings were more nuanced. Only the vulnerable form of narcissism was significantly related to celebrity worship. People with higher levels of emotional insecurity and self-focus were more likely to feel strongly connected to celebrities. Grandiose narcissism, which is associated with charm and assertiveness, did not show a significant relationship with celebrity admiration in this sample. This contrasts with some earlier studies but matches other recent work suggesting that vulnerable narcissism may be more relevant to parasocial attachments.

Both types of narcissism were linked to materialism, although in different ways. People with grandiose traits were more likely to value possessions for the status and prestige they bring, while those with vulnerable traits showed stronger associations with using material goods to feel happier or more secure. The researchers pointed out that although the motivations may differ, both forms of narcissism appear to contribute to a focus on acquiring possessions.

One of the most important findings from the study was the role of perceived similarity to celebrities. Participants who believed they were like their favorite celebrity—whether in appearance, behavior, or personality—were more likely to score higher on measures of celebrity worship. This connection held even when controlling for materialism and narcissism. In fact, perceived similarity emerged as one of the strongest predictors of celebrity worship overall. It also had a modest relationship with materialism, especially when participants believed their similarities were related to success or status.

These findings support earlier research suggesting that people often imitate celebrities they admire or believe they resemble. For instance, past studies have found that fans of performers like Elvis Presley not only adopted his style and values but also reported feeling deeply connected to his identity.

Other studies have shown that young people who watch more media content and compare themselves to celebrities are more likely to adopt materialistic values. The current study adds to this body of work by providing new evidence that feeling similar to a celebrity—either because of shared traits or through imitation—plays an important role in the development of parasocial bonds.

The study researchers statistical models to test whether different factors predicted celebrity worship and materialism when considered together. When all variables were included in the analysis, vulnerable narcissism and perceived similarity stood out as the only significant predictors of celebrity worship. For materialism, both grandiose and vulnerable narcissism predicted higher scores, with vulnerable narcissism having a stronger effect.

There are some limitations. The sample was drawn from a single university and was mostly composed of young women, which limits the generalizability of the results. Future research could include more diverse groups across age, gender, and cultural backgrounds. It would also be helpful to explore how accurate people’s perceptions of similarity to celebrities actually are, and whether those perceptions change over time as admiration deepens.

The researchers also suggested that future studies could investigate the direction of these relationships. It is not yet clear whether people are drawn to celebrities they already feel similar to, or if they begin to see themselves as similar after becoming emotionally attached. Another promising direction would be to examine collective narcissism—how people’s admiration for celebrities might reflect pride in a shared group identity, such as nationality, gender, or race.

The study, “Celebrity Worship and Materialism: A Focus on Narcissism and Perceived Similarity With a Celebrity,” was authored by Caitlin Davis, Lawrence Locker Jr., and Joshua L. Williams.