New research conducted across more than 50 nations indicates that the demographic factors associated with narcissism are remarkably consistent around the globe. The findings suggest that younger adults, men, and individuals who perceive themselves as having high social status tend to display higher levels of narcissistic traits, regardless of their cultural background. The research was published in the journal Self and Identity.
Psychology has historically faced a significant limitation regarding the diversity of its study participants. The vast majority of existing knowledge about personality traits comes from research conducted in Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic societies.
This geographic bias makes it difficult to determine whether psychological patterns are universal features of human nature or specific cultural byproducts. Scientists have debated whether the tendency for certain demographic groups to display higher narcissism is a global phenomenon or one unique to specific societies.
“Most of what we know about narcissism comes from studies conducted in the United States or a small handful of Western countries,” said study author William J. Chopik, an associate professor of psychology at Michigan State University.
“That makes it hard to know whether well-known patterns—like younger people, men, or higher-status individuals scoring higher in narcissism—are culturally specific or more universal. We wanted to address that gap by examining narcissism across 53 countries and asking not only whether levels differ across cultures, but whether the same demographic patterns hold up around the world.”
The researchers utilized a multidimensional framework for understanding narcissism rather than treating it as a single trait. They employed the Narcissistic Admiration and Rivalry Concept. This model distinguishes between two specific strategies individuals use to maintain a grandiose self-view.
The first strategy is narcissistic admiration. This aspect involves agentic self-promotion, striving for uniqueness, and seeking social praise. It is often associated with social potency and initial popularity. The second strategy is narcissistic rivalry. This aspect is more antagonistic and involves self-defense, devaluation of others, and striving for supremacy.
The researchers analyzed data from a massive international sample collected as part of the International Collaboration on Social and Moral Psychology. The final dataset included 45,800 participants from 53 different countries. The sample size per country ranged from 148 in Ecuador to 2,133 in Australia.
Participants completed the Narcissistic Admiration and Rivalry Questionnaire. This measure asked respondents to rate their agreement with statements designed to assess both the agentic and antagonistic aspects of narcissism. Examples include statements about enjoying being the center of attention or wanting rivals to fail.
To measure perceived social status, the study utilized the MacArthur Scale of Subjective Social Status. Participants were presented with an image of a ladder representing the social hierarchy of their society. They were asked to place themselves on the rung that best represented their standing in terms of money, education, and employment.
The researchers also incorporated country-level data to assess cultural context. They used Gross Domestic Product per capita to measure national economic prosperity. To measure cultural values, they utilized the Global Collectivism Index. This index assesses the degree to which a society prioritizes group cohesion and interdependence over individual autonomy.
The analysis revealed that demographic differences in narcissism were largely consistent across the 53 countries. Younger adults reported higher levels of both narcissistic admiration and rivalry compared to older adults. This finding aligns with developmental theories suggesting that narcissistic traits may help young adults establish autonomy and acquire resources.
As individuals age, they typically shift their focus toward prosocial goals and emotional stability. This maturation process appears to coincide with a reduction in narcissistic tendencies globally. The study provides evidence that this age-related decline is not specific to any single culture.
Gender differences also followed a consistent pattern worldwide. Men reported higher levels of narcissism than women across the majority of the nations surveyed. This gender gap was observed for both the admiration and rivalry dimensions of the trait.
Social role theories suggest that these differences may stem from societal expectations. Men are often socialized to be assertive and dominant, traits that overlap with narcissism. Women are frequently encouraged to be communal and nurturing, behaviors that conflict with self-absorption.
The researchers also found a robust link between perceived social status and narcissism. Individuals who placed themselves higher on the social ladder tended to report higher levels of narcissism. This association was observed consistently across the different cultural contexts.
People with high levels of narcissism often feel entitled to special privileges and view themselves as superior. This self-view likely drives them to seek out high-status positions. Conversely, achieving a high perceived status may reinforce narcissistic tendencies by validating their feelings of superiority.
While the demographic patterns were consistent, the average levels of narcissism did vary by country. The data indicated that people living in nations with a higher Gross Domestic Product reported higher levels of narcissism. This was particularly true for the dimension of narcissistic admiration.
This finding supports the notion that economic prosperity may create an environment that encourages self-focus. In wealthier societies, there may be more opportunities and cultural permission to engage in self-promotion. However, the relationship between culture and narcissism proved to be more complex than simply linking it to wealth.
“Most of the effects we observed are modest in size, which is typical for large, cross-cultural studies of personality,” Chopik told PsyPost. “That said, even small differences can matter when they show up consistently across tens of thousands of people and dozens of countries.”
“And there are also a lot of within country differences, such that even when looking at one country, people might dramatically differ from one another (and sometimes two people within a country vary more than two people from different countries). The real contribution here isn’t about pinpointing ‘the most narcissistic country,’ but about understanding how stable patterns of personality relate to culture, age, gender, and social standing.”
A notable finding from the study challenges the traditional view that narcissism is strictly a product of individualistic cultures. The researchers found that participants from more collectivistic countries reported higher levels of narcissism.
“One of the more surprising findings was that people from more collectivistic countries sometimes reported higher, not lower, levels of narcissism—particularly on the more agentic, admiration side,” Chopik said. “This challenges the common assumption that narcissism is mainly a product of highly individualistic cultures. It suggests that narcissistic traits may serve different functions in different cultural contexts, such as navigating social hierarchies rather than standing out as unique.”
“There’s an emerging literature about how the individualism/collectivism distinction is not as clean as people think—that collectivistic countries are these Pollyanna-ish utopias where everyone gets along. Rather, there are some examples in which collectivistic cultures are more competitive and could be more attuned to themselves and the hierarchies they find themselves in.”
The researchers examined whether cultural factors changed the strength of the demographic associations. For instance, they tested if the gender gap in narcissism was smaller or larger in collectivistic countries. The analysis showed that culture did not significantly moderate these demographic differences.
This lack of moderation implies that the mechanisms driving demographic differences in narcissism are relatively universal. The developmental processes of aging and the societal shaping of gender roles appear to exert a similar influence on personality regardless of the specific cultural backdrop.
“One key takeaway is that narcissism isn’t just a ‘Western’ phenomenon, nor does it look wildly different across cultures,” Chopik told PsyPost. “Younger people, men, and those who see themselves as higher in social status tend to report higher narcissism almost everywhere we looked. At the same time, average levels of narcissism do vary by country, and those differences appear to be linked to broader cultural and economic contexts. So, culture certainly mattered, but not for everything—some patterns are relatively similar in different cultures.”
As with all research, there are some limitations. The data was cross-sectional, meaning it captured a single point in time. This makes it impossible to determine if the age differences are due to developmental changes or generational differences between cohorts.
Future research utilizing longitudinal designs is necessary to track how narcissism changes within individuals over time. This would help clarify whether people truly become less narcissistic as they age or if older generations were simply less narcissistic to begin with.
The authors also note that this study focused on broad cultural dimensions like collectivism and wealth. Other cultural factors, such as political systems, family structures, or religious beliefs, may also play a role in shaping narcissism. Future investigations could explore these additional variables to build a more complete picture.
Potential misinterpretations of these findings should be avoided. The results do not imply that entire nations can be categorized as “narcissistic.”
“A common misinterpretation is to treat these findings as rankings or judgments about entire countries or cultures,” Chopik noted. “That’s not what the data are meant to do. These are average differences with substantial overlap between countries, and individuals within any culture vary far more than cultures do from one another. So I understand the desire to describe the most and least narcissistic countries, but I actually think that’s a little less interesting, especially given that cultural differences aren’t that big.”
The study provides a comprehensive look at how personality traits interact with culture. It moves beyond the simple East-West dichotomy often used in psychology. By including a vast array of nations, the research offers a more nuanced understanding of the human experience.
“A natural next step is to move beyond mean differences and examine how narcissism operates in daily life across cultures—how it relates to relationships, work, and well-being in different contexts,” Chopik explained. “That might include how narcissism changes over time differently depending on the context. We’re also interested in understanding how cultural change, such as economic development or shifts toward individualism, might shape narcissism over time. Longitudinal and mixed-method approaches will be especially important for that.”
“One thing worth emphasizing is that narcissism isn’t inherently ‘good’ or ‘bad,'” the researcher added. “Some aspects, like admiration, can be linked to confidence and motivation, while others, like rivalry, are more clearly associated with interpersonal conflict. Studying narcissism across cultures helps us better understand when and where these traits might be adaptive—and when they might come at a cost.”
The study, “Cultural moderation of demographic differences in narcissism,” was authored by Macy M. Miscikowski, Rebekka Weidmann, Sara H. Konrath, and William J. Chopik.
