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Home Exclusive Social Psychology

Happiness maximization appears to be a culturally specific preference

by Eric W. Dolan
December 28, 2025
Reading Time: 5 mins read
[Adobe Stock]

[Adobe Stock]

A comprehensive new study suggests that the intense societal focus on maximizing personal happiness is not a universal human aspiration but rather a specific cultural preference. The findings indicate that the drive to pursue positive emotions above all else is largely confined to Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic (WEIRD) populations. This research was published in the journal Perspectives on Psychological Science.

Psychology has historically operated under the assumption that certain human motivations are consistent across the globe. One of the most pervasive of these assumptions is that all people strive to maximize their happiness. This belief underpins many Western therapeutic practices, self-help ideologies, and economic policies.

The research team sought to investigate whether this pursuit is truly fundamental to human nature or if it is a product of specific cultural environments. They aimed to determine if the prioritization of happiness varies systematically according to a country’s cultural background.

The study was conducted by a large international consortium of researchers led by Kuba Krys of the Polish Academy of Sciences. The team included dozens of collaborators from institutions around the world, allowing for a truly global perspective. They recognized that previous research had been heavily skewed toward data collected in North America and Western Europe. By expanding the scope of inquiry, they hoped to identify the boundaries of Western psychological models.

To test their hypothesis, the researchers collected data from 13,546 participants. These individuals were drawn from 61 different countries, ensuring a diverse representation of global cultures. The sample included nations from Europe, Asia, Africa, South America, and North America. The researchers used a series of standardized surveys to assess how much participants valued the pursuit of happiness.

The primary measure focused on the concept of happiness maximization. Participants responded to statements designed to gauge their desire to experience the highest possible levels of positive emotion. The researchers asked individuals to rate how much they agreed with the idea that happiness is the most important goal in life. They also measured how much participants believed that one should strive to be happy at every moment.

In addition to measuring attitudes toward happiness, the researchers calculated a “WEIRD distance” score for each country. This statistical metric represented how culturally distinct a given nation was from the United States. The United States was used as the reference point because it is often considered the archetype of a WEIRD society. The score took into account factors such as individualism, religious values, and democratic history.

The researchers analyzed the relationship between a country’s WEIRD distance and its average endorsement of happiness maximization. The data revealed a clear and strong pattern. Countries that were culturally similar to the United States tended to place a much higher value on maximizing happiness. In these societies, the pursuit of positive emotion was frequently viewed as a central purpose of existence.

In contrast, participants from countries with greater cultural distance from the United States showed significantly less interest in happiness maximization. In many non-WEIRD regions, the ideal life was not necessarily defined by constant positive affect. The data suggests that for a large portion of the world’s population, other values compete with or supersede the desire for personal happiness. These alternative values might include social harmony, family duty, or the ability to withstand hardship.

The study provides evidence that the concept of happiness itself may be understood differently across cultures. In WEIRD societies, happiness is often viewed as a personal achievement and a sign of a successful life. It is frequently associated with high arousal states, such as excitement and enthusiasm. Individuals in these cultures often feel pressure to cultivate and display these emotions.

However, the findings indicate that in many non-Western contexts, happiness is viewed with more caution. Some cultures perceive happiness as a fleeting state that is outside of one’s control. Others may view the active pursuit of happiness as selfish or potentially disruptive to social relationships. In certain cultural frameworks, a state of balance or peace is preferred over the maximization of joy.

The researchers found that the correlation between happiness maximization and the WEIRD index was robust even when controlling for other variables. Factors such as the age and gender of participants did not explain away the cultural differences. The pattern held true across various regions, reinforcing the idea that the drive to maximize happiness is a distinct feature of Western modernization.

This research challenges the universality of positive psychology interventions that focus solely on increasing happiness. It suggests that applying Western models of well-being to non-Western populations may be inappropriate or ineffective. Mental health professionals working in diverse contexts may need to reconsider whether maximizing positive emotion is always a valid therapeutic goal.

The study also highlights the potential downsides of the Western obsession with happiness. In societies that emphasize happiness maximization, individuals who fail to feel happy may experience a sense of personal failure. This pressure can paradoxically lead to lower levels of well-being. By contrast, cultures that do not frame happiness as a constant imperative may offer their members a buffer against this specific type of distress.

There are some limitations to the study that should be noted. The data relies on self-reported survey responses, which can be subject to translation issues and cultural differences in how people interpret questions. Additionally, while the sample was large and diverse, it consisted primarily of university students. Students may be more Westernized than the general population in their respective countries, which could affect the generalizability of the results.

Future research could address these limitations by including more representative samples from outside the university system. It would also be beneficial to use experimental methods to see how these cultural values influence behavior in real-time. Longitudinal studies could help determine if the value placed on happiness changes as non-Western countries become more economically developed.

The study implies that the definition of a “good life” is far more variable than previously thought. It encourages scholars and the public to broaden their understanding of human motivation beyond the Western paradigm. Recognizing that happiness maximization is a cultural artifact rather than a biological mandate allows for a more inclusive approach to understanding human well-being.

The study, “Happiness Maximization Is a WEIRD Way of Living,” was authored by Kuba Krys, Olga Kostoula, Wijnand A. P. van Tilburg, Oriana Mosca, J. Hannah Lee, Fridanna Maricchiolo, Aleksandra Kosiarczyk, Agata Kocimska-Bortnowska, Claudio Torres, Hidefumi Hitokoto, Kongmeng Liew, Michael H. Bond, Vivian Miu-Chi Lun, Vivian L. Vignoles, John M. Zelenski, Brian W. Haas, Joonha Park, Christin-Melanie Vauclair, Anna Kwiatkowska, Marta Roczniewska, Nina Witoszek, I .dil Is¸ık, Natasza Kosakowska-Berezecka, Alejandra Domínguez-Espinosa, June Chun Yeung, Maciej Górski, Mladen Adamovic, Isabelle Albert, Vassilis Pavlopoulos, Márta Fülöp, David Sirlopu, Ayu Okvitawanli, Diana Boer, Julien Teyssier, Arina Malyonova, Alin Gavreliuc, Ursula Serdarevich, Charity S. Akotia, Lily Appoh, D. M. Arévalo Mira, Arno Baltin, Patrick Denoux, Carla Sofia Esteves, Vladimer Gamsakhurdia, Ragna B. Garðarsdóttir, David O. Igbokwe, Eric R. Igou, Natalia Kascakova, Lucie Klu˚zová Kracˇmárová, Nicole Kronberger, Pablo Eduardo Barrientos, Tamara Mohoric´, Elke Murdock, Nur Fariza Mustaffa, Martin Nader, Azar Nadi, Yvette van Osch, Zoran Pavlovic´, Iva Polácˇková Šolcová, Muhammad Rizwan, Vladyslav Romashov, Espen Røysamb, Ruta Sargautyte, Beate Schwarz, Lenka Selecká, Heyla A. Selim, Maria Stogianni, Chien-Ru Sun, Agnieszka Wojtczuk-Turek, Cai Xing, and Yukiko Uchida.

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