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A new study published in Telematics and Informatics has found that certain personality traits—particularly extraversion, narcissism, and histrionic tendencies—are linked to a greater desire among teenagers to pursue careers as social media influencers. The research, which surveyed over 700 adolescents in Poland and the United Kingdom, offers new insights into the psychological profiles of those drawn to this highly visible and increasingly popular career path.
As social media platforms like TikTok, Instagram, and YouTube become central to how young people express themselves and consume content, the idea of becoming an influencer has shifted from a fantasy to a genuine professional aspiration. Surveys over the past decade have revealed that large numbers of adolescents, particularly in the United Kingdom, express interest in becoming online creators. In response to this cultural shift, the authors of the new study wanted to understand the personality traits that may be driving this interest—and whether these traits differ from those associated with more traditional career paths like teaching, medicine, or law.
The researchers focused on three sets of personality traits: the widely studied Big Five traits (openness, conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness, and neuroticism), narcissism (which involves grandiosity and a strong need for admiration), and histrionic tendencies (which are marked by attention-seeking and dramatic self-expression). Drawing on previous research linking these traits to online behaviors—like posting selfies, seeking validation through likes, and using social media for self-promotion—the authors hypothesized that adolescents with higher levels of extraversion, narcissism, and histrionic traits would be more likely to aspire to influencer careers.
To test this, the researchers surveyed 773 adolescents aged 16 to 17 (362 in Poland and 411 in the United Kingdom). Participants were asked about their career aspirations and how strongly they were motivated to pursue professions such as teacher, doctor, IT specialist, and influencer. They also completed a series of brief, validated personality questionnaires measuring the Big Five traits, narcissism, and histrionic characteristics.
The data collection was conducted online, and participants were compensated for their time. Responses were analyzed using hierarchical regression models that allowed the researchers to examine how personality traits predicted interest in becoming a social media influencer, while controlling for factors like age, gender, and country.
Surprisingly, only two participants spontaneously listed “influencer” as their desired profession when asked in an open-ended format. But when participants were directly asked to rate their interest in becoming an influencer on a numerical scale, a much larger number reported moderate to strong motivation—more than for careers like law or IT. This suggests that while many teenagers are interested in influencing, they may not yet view it as a standalone profession, or may not feel comfortable naming it unprompted.
The statistical models revealed a consistent pattern. Across the full sample, higher extraversion, narcissism, and histrionic traits were all significantly associated with a stronger desire to become a social media influencer. Conscientiousness, a trait linked to organization and self-discipline, was negatively related to influencer motivation in some models but not others, suggesting a more complex or context-dependent role.
When the researchers looked at each country separately, they found some differences. In the Polish sample, narcissism was the only significant predictor of influencer aspirations. In the UK sample, extraversion and histrionic traits were the strongest predictors, with lower conscientiousness also playing a role. These cross-cultural differences might reflect the different levels of social media exposure in the two countries, with the UK having higher overall usage rates.
Importantly, the traits that predicted interest in influencing were distinct from those linked to more traditional careers. For example, narcissism also predicted interest in becoming a lawyer, but not a doctor or teacher. Histrionic traits were uniquely predictive of influencer aspirations and did not show significant associations with any other profession assessed in the study.
The authors argue that this pattern makes sense given the nature of social media influencing. It is a profession that rewards self-promotion, dramatic expression, and constant visibility. Extraverts may be attracted to the social aspects of content creation and audience engagement. Narcissistic individuals might see influencing as a path to status, attention, and admiration. Those with histrionic tendencies may be drawn to the performance aspects of online fame and the immediate feedback it provides.
However, while influencer careers may be appealing to these personality types, the study also points to possible downsides. Traits like narcissism and histrionic tendencies have been linked to increased sensitivity to criticism, mood instability, and a reliance on external validation. These characteristics can make the highs and lows of influencer life—especially the pressure to maintain a perfect public image—particularly challenging. Prior research has shown that individuals with these traits may be more likely to experience social media-related stress, including anxiety and depression.
The authors suggest that career counselors and educators should be aware of these psychological dynamics when working with adolescents. While it is important to respect young people’s career interests, including non-traditional ones like influencing, it is equally important to help them develop realistic expectations and emotional coping skills.
For example, students drawn to influencer careers could benefit from training in digital literacy, resilience, and media ethics. Such preparation could help them pursue these roles in healthier and more sustainable ways—or help them recognize when alternative career paths might better match their strengths and values.
The study also raises questions about how teenagers conceptualize influencer work. Given the gap between spontaneous and prompted responses, it may be that many adolescents do not see influencing as a full-time job, but as a side hustle or a complement to a more conventional career. Someone who aspires to be a nurse, for instance, might still envision sharing health tips on TikTok or documenting their work life on YouTube. The rise of “micro-influencers,” who have smaller followings but engage niche audiences, makes this hybrid model increasingly feasible.
While the study provides valuable insights, it has some limitations. The sample consisted only of adolescents, so the results may not apply to older individuals who have more life experience or career clarity. The study also relied on self-report measures, which can be influenced by social desirability or limited self-awareness. And while the results identify personality traits linked to influencer aspirations, they do not tell us whether these traits actually predict success, well-being, or career satisfaction in the influencer world.
Future research could build on these findings by tracking aspiring influencers over time, or by including actual influencers to compare their personality profiles with those who only aspire to the role. Additional work is also needed to explore how the psychological demands of influencer life affect long-term mental health—and whether certain personality traits make someone more resilient or more vulnerable to those pressures.
The study, “Who wants to be a YouTuber? Personality traits predict the desire to become a social media influencer,” was authored by Michal Misiak, Arkadiusz Urbanek, Tomasz Frackowiak, and Piotr Sorokowski.
